Expanding the ambit of the MeToo movement | Opinion

India’s #MeToo movement left out the voices of 195 million women in the informal sector

Many women employed in the informal sector have normalised sexual harassment as one of the many workplace hazards. Like their counterparts in the formal sector, they don’t speak up because they are either unaware of their legal rights, scared of repercussions from powerful bosses, loathe to lose jobs or, even, reluctant to complain for fear that their families might prohibit them from going back to work.(AP)

When India’s loud, impossible-to-ignore and pugnacious MeToo movement erupted on social media two years ago this month, an important voice, regrettably, went unheard.

It was the voice of 195 million women in the informal sector. Ninety-five per cent of all of India’s employed women work in factories, farms, brick kilns, construction sites, households, and even as volunteers who power India’s health and nutrition missions as accredited social health activists (ASHAs), midwives and anganwadi workers.

As the media published the more salacious accounts or those involving high-profile perpetrators, those left out of the movement “were women who had almost no access to social media, didn’t speak English and came from poorer households and, so, were far more afraid of speaking out because of the consequences,” says Jayshree Bajoria, author of a newly-released report by Human Rights Watch (HRW), No #MeToo For Women Like Us.

On paper, the workplace Prevention of Sexual Harassment (POSH) is supposed to protect all employed women. But, as Nandita Bhatt of the Martha Farrell Foundation (MFF), says, “How is a domestic worker even going to prove that she is employed?”

MFF had invited me to attend a workshop to make domestic workers aware of their legal rights. One woman spoke about how her male employer would watch pornography in her presence. Another’s male boss would walk out of his bath naked, asking her to pass him a towel. And a third told me about the dadaji who would grab and grope her at every opportunity. So what did you do, I asked her? “What could I do? In the end, when it became too much, I just found another job and quit.”

Many women employed in the informal sector have normalised sexual harassment as one of the many workplace hazards. Like their counterparts in the formal sector, they don’t speak up because they are either unaware of their legal rights, scared of repercussions from powerful bosses, loathe to lose jobs or, even, reluctant to complain for fear that their families might prohibit them from going back to work. Many of these fears, says Bajoria, have been exacerbated by the pandemic where job loss and unemployment are rife. On paper, we have a law that entitles women in the informal sector to file complaints with a local complaints committee (LCC) that every district in the country is supposed to have. This rarely happens. During the lockdown, none of Delhi’s 11 LCCs were available even on the phone. Even now, three have listed incorrect numbers, according to MFF. HRW says POSH isn’t working. The government needs to ensure more meaningful implementation of the law through awareness campaigns and training. It needs to make data publicly available.

But, most important, it needs to figure out how to build faith and convince women that their complaints will be heard, that redressal is possible and that justice will be delivered to all, even those in the informal sector.

Namita Bhandare writes on gender

The views expressed are personal

How The Special Marriage Act Is Killing Love

The withdrawal under social media pressure of a Tanishq ad that depicts an interfaith marriage tells us that even in modern India some alliances continue to be out-of-bounds. Provisions in a law that enables secular marriage are, ironically, often a tool for harassment. My story with Surbhi Karwa for Article-14.

The Tanishq jewellery advertisement that depicted interfaith marriage was withdrawn after the company succumbed to a coordinated hate campaign on social media.

When she was in the fifth standard, the last of her four elder sisters got married, and her mother asked: “Who is going to help with the housework?” Amreen Malik never again went to school. While her mother worked in the fields, it was the job of the 12-year-old to cook, clean and care for the rest of her family, including three younger brothers.

“I was not allowed to go out or have friends,” she said.

Mohit Nagar’s father had a small medical store right across the road from Amreen’s house in the village of Kharauli in the western Uttar Pradesh district of Meerut. Elder to Amreen by four years, Mohit would often hang out at the store.

One day when she was around 15 or 16, she can’t remember when, he called on the landline at her house. She picked up. And so began a relationship by phone until his father found out and told Amreen’s father.

A model for rooted, inclusive journalism | Opinion

Khabar Lahariya, a women-led digital platform that today counts 30 reporters and stringers across 13 districts in Bundelkhand has, for close to two decades, been chronicling a side of India that is seldom written about.

“The family is pleading that they have no strength to speak but the media has not stopped thrusting mics into their faces,” reported Kavita.(Manisha Mondal/ The Print)

At Hathras, a gaggle of media and OB vans descended on the house gutted by tragedy. Reporting from the scene, Khabar Lahariya (KL)’s editor Kavita Bundelkhandi and reporter Meera Devi clambered up onto the roof to take a look. What they saw were swarms of police and a media melee where excitable reporters, who had taken over the house, chatted, laughed, ate biscuits, and, every now and then, shrieked into their microphones.

“The family is pleading that they have no strength to speak but the media has not stopped thrusting mics into their faces,” reported Kavita. The bereaved and beleagured family has had no time to even cook and the children are hungry.

The women-led digital platform that today counts 30 reporters and stringers across 13 districts in Bundelkhand has, for close to two decades, been chronicling a side of India that is seldom written about. Despite the fact that 65.5% of the population lives in rural India, stories from the hinterland constitute a negligible proportion of all stories in the mainstream press. When these stories are told, they tend to fall into two buckets: The sensational crime report or heart-rending agrarian distress. When you think of exceptions, People’s Archive of Rural India (PARI) comes to mind, taking the trouble to also look for human interest stories of aspiration and hope.

Started as a two-page, black and white newspaper in 2002, KL has stuck to its course of reporting hyperlocal issues, telling the stories of Bundelkhand, a hard, hilly region that spills over from north Madhya Pradesh into southern Uttar Pradesh. When it was launched, the only journalists in the region were upper caste, educated men. But, says Kavita, “We wanted to challenge the idea that women are weak, could not do journalism and were only suited to 9-5 jobs like teaching and nursing.” There was no precedent, so KL drew up its own blueprint. They would hire Dalit, Muslim and Adivasi women. Conduct their own training. Take all editorial decisions collectively. And, perhaps most crucially, look at stories through a nariwadi chashma (feminist lens), whether on Chitrakoot’s erratic water supply, a mental health crisis among young people in Bundelkhand or what women farmers thought of the farm bills (timed with Women Farmers’ Day on October 15).

If India’s largely social media-driven MeToo movement was urban, KL’s Disha Mullick filled the gap with #MeTooBundelkhand, asking: “What does the workplace look like for women who are resetting centuries of gender, class and caste oppression?”

The idea of a feminist framework might not always fit into mainstream media’s understanding of rural life in India. Priorities—unemployment, migrant labour, farmer issues, caste—will invariably differ. But, as KL’s Pooja Pande says, change will come when we straddle both worlds and understand that urban or rural, we face the same enemy — patriarchy. Meanwhile, KL continues to shape its world, and ours, one story at a time.

Namita Bhandare writes on gender

The views expressed are personal